The N. F propaganda. This refusal was either religiously, morally or politically motivated, and the Military Service Act introducing conscription allowed for certain exemptions, notably for Quakers. F, since both Clifford Allen and Fenner Brockway were in prison. Theoretically, he sided with the absolutists, for whom he had great admiration, and wished time and again he were eligible for service, since there was clearly a streak of the martyr in him.
He discovered two talents on which the NCF drew heavily: one as an orator, the other one as a polemicist. This was the case for instance of I Appeal Unto Caesar summer , officially authored by Margaret Hobhouse, and which sold more than 17 copies in a very short time.
F is that, whilst he devoted nearly all his time and energy to them especially in , he became fairly rapidly dissatisfied with the way their immediate objectives blinded them to a full appreciation of the bigger picture, i. In a way, hearing about the Russian revolution in March came in the nick of time, just like hearing about the Conscientious Objectors one year before. In the first days of the war, he had made it clear that liberalism as he saw it was not served by the Liberal party, which had unashamedly betrayed a glorious political heritage in Britain, to which his own family belonged.
It turned out that he never actually sent this letter, that the paper was all crumpled because he kept it in his pocket for a while, probably in case some meeting turned very sour.
Be that as it may, the contents of the document highlights certain of his concerns about his place within the N. The fact that he never revealed anything about the document probably boils down to his sincere admiration for the likes of Allen, Marshall and Brockway.
This was a real success, and Russell was there in the enthusiastic crowd to listen to speeches by radical trade-union leaders, Robert Smillie and Robert Williams among others. At a time when the N.
F was becoming more and more embroiled in internecine feuds over absolutists and alternativists, Russell realized that the urgency of the social situation, spurred by the international context and the growing demands for peace all tended to make the N.
F a somewhat inadequate tool. This was all the more so as many N. F newspaper. These, to be sure, make up a rhetorical trilogy to convert pacifists to the revolutionary movement. Fundamentally, Russell argues that the genuine pacifist neither seeks peace for its own sake or order and security per se , nor for himself his individual tranquillity or comfort. He strives for peace in order that all human lives may flourish freely, because what motivates a pacifist is the brotherhood of men.
That brotherhood naturally makes the pacifist keenly aware of all forms of oppression, be they national, economic, political, religious, etc. This is why the pacifist should struggle to abolish capitalist and State domination, in order to wholly rebuild society on a new basis. I have always held, and publicly stated, that the use of force in revolutions is not necessarily to be condemned. Until lately, this was merely an academic reservation, without relevance to the actual situation.
Now, however, it has become a pressing practical consideration. A certain amount of bloodshed occurred during the Russian Revolution, probably unnecessarily. If it was unnecessary, I can of course condemn it; but if the revolution could not be accomplished without it, I cannot condemn it.
It is wrong according to him to necessarily connect revolution with violence. Revolution strives to build a world without violence, despite the frequent resort to it in the early stages of revolution. Any revolution spurred by hatred and a thirst for revenge will only end up with a new form of domination, a mere change of rulers.
He painstakingly tries to show that the source of the revolutionary spirit and the source of pacifism are ultimately analogous. The risk of violence exists but it is worth taking that chance. Also, the risk has been greater in a country like Russia, led by a despotic family since times immemorial. Needless to say such articles would wield a deep influence on radical thinkers like, again, George Orwell and Noam Chomsky.
The pacifist crowd gathered there to discuss whether the creation of a London Soviet was feasible. It seems that Russell himself was ready to accept the burden of leading this Soviet, which never materialized.
Yet he was wrong to believe that the State itself was afraid of the revolutionary potential in Britain: by the summer of , the government would ruthlessly disrupt the connections made between the pacifist and the revolutionary movements, arresting the leaders, raiding places of sedition, destroying printing facilities.
Russell recalls in his autobiography how he was saved by a pacifist woman, the crowd that singled him out not daring to harass a female. The mob is a terrible thing when it wants blood. The young soldiers were pathetic, thinking we were their enemies. The theoretical legitimation of violence he had given under certain circumstances in his resignation letter, and which had become a pressing pragmatic matter, crumbled in a few minutes with the actual witnessing of violence.
Crucify Him! He recalls the way much of the pacifist crowd inside the Church remained completely still for a while, generating a sense of unease among the aggressors. He would continue his work as an editorialist for The Tribunal , and one of the articles he published in would cause his imprisonment. Secondly, he was sent to prison at a time when he was seriously thinking about going back to philosophy. He finally served four and a half months, as a second division prisoner, i.
The irredeemable damage the likes of Allen and Morel had suffered as first division prisoners would fortunately be spared to Russell. To have such a renowned scholar serve a prison sentence can only have been decided at the very highest level: now that most N. F and U. Like Keynes or Gandhi, but as early as , Russell stressed the need to draw a historical lesson from the spirit of revanchisme which the French had nourished after R, Vol.
That treatment was usually meted out to alleged German spies. It was written in May See Ibid. All books securely packaged. Condition is guaranteed with all items shipped fully on approval. If a book is heavy, over-weight, or requires a supplement to the ABE standard Orders usually ship within 1 business day from our Irish or US locations.
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Shipping: Free Within U. About this Item Poor paperback copy. Some wear and tear to the spine, lacks front wrapper. Text remains clear and without blemish. Physical description: pages; 21 cm.
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